Police vehicles block a road leading to Copenhagen in October 2018, in response to an Iranian plot uncovered by Danish intelligence. EPA
Police vehicles block a road leading to Copenhagen in October 2018, in response to an Iranian plot uncovered by Danish intelligence. EPA

Half-measures will not suffice when it comes to the Iranian threat



The modest sanctions imposed against Iran this week by the European Union are a reflection of Tehran’s increasingly reckless approach to conducting terrorist operations on European soil.

And they also raise questions about why the EU, when faced with compelling evidence of Iranian terrorist activity on its own territory, still refuses to back the Trump administration’s decision to withdraw from the controversial nuclear deal with Iran.

The new EU sanctions, which were announced by the Danish authorities, have been taken in response to mounting evidence that Iran has staged a number of brazen terrorist attacks in several EU states in the past three years.

The most outrageous of these attempts was last year’s plot to bomb an Iranian opposition rally in Paris last year, an operation which, if successful, would have resulted in mass casualties in the French capital on the scale of the Bataclan massacre in 2015, in which 90 people died.

The French authorities have identified Assadollah Assadi, who is currently in custody in Belgium, as the mastermind behind the plot. Assadi, a senior officer with Iran’s Ministry of Intelligence and Security in Vienna, is awaiting trial for his role in the operation. In addition, three other suspects with Iranian connections have been implicated in the bombing. An Iranian couple who were caught with half a kilogram of powerful explosives and a detonator are being held by the French authorities, while French intelligence officers have identified Saeid Hashemi Moghadam, an Iranian deputy minister and director general of intelligence, as also being involved in the attempted bombing.

European intelligence chiefs believe the attempted Paris bomb plot is indicative of a more aggressive policy being adopted by the Iranian regime, particularly against Iranian opposition figures based in Europe.

Iran’s intelligence services have a long history of conducting terrorist operations and assassinations in Europe dating back to the era of the Shah, when Iran’s feared Savak intelligence service regularly carried out assassinations and terror attacks on the European mainland.

But in recent years the Iranians, mindful of the adverse publicity such operations attract, have tended to confine their political assassinations and terrorist operations to the more immediate region, namely countries such as Lebanon, Syria, Iraq and the Gulf states.

Now European intelligence chiefs believe there has been a noticeable change of approach by the Iranians, with Tehran being far more willing to carry out attacks in EU member states.

“Iran appears to be running a number of terrorist networks in Europe, something we have not seen in Europe for some time,” a senior western intelligence officer recently told me. “There seems to have been a conscious change of policy in Iran to extend its terrorist operations beyond the immediate Middle East area.”

One of the more surprising aspects of this new development is that the evidence gathered so far suggests the Iranians began to extend their terrorist operations into Europe soon after signing the controversial nuclear deal negotiated by former US President Barack Obama and other leading powers in 2015, a clear breach of the spirit of the agreement.

When Mr Obama concluded his deal with Tehran, he believed the resolution of the controversial nuclear issue would lead to Iran adopting a more constructive role in its dealings with the outside world.

But the evidence so far collected by European intelligence services suggests otherwise.

The first sign that Tehran had extended its terrorist operations into Europe came when the Dutch authorities accused Iran of being behind the assassination of an Iranian opposition activist Ali Motamed, 56, in Almere in 2015. This was followed by the murder of Ahmad Molla Nissi, 52, another Iranian opposition figure on Dutch soil in The Hague in 2017.

The Dutch intelligence service has now publicly stated that it has “strong indications that Iran was involved in the assassinations of two Dutch nationals of Iranian origin.”

The two killings have prompted the Dutch authorities, working in conjunction with their French counterparts, to take the lead in persuading other EU member states to impose fresh sanctions against Tehran.

Their efforts have been boosted by yet more evidence of Iranian terrorist activity in Denmark, after the Danish police were required to close off access to Copenhagen last October after Danish intelligence officials uncovered a plot by Iranian terrorists to use a car bomb to assassinate an Iranian opposition figure living in the city. This prompted the Danes to recall its ambassador from Tehran and to appeal to the EU for assistance.

To date, Tehran's terrorist operations in Europe have concentrated on targeting Iranian opposition figures. But European intelligence chiefs fear Tehran might be tempted to expand its field of operations to target EU citizens.

The recent upsurge in Iranian terrorist activity in Europe will certainly raise questions about why the EU’s response to date has been so limited. The measures announced last week were merely to place the two Iranian intelligence officers accused of involvement in the Paris and Dutch plots on the EU’s terrorist listing, a move that involves freezing funds and restricting their movement.

Yet, at the same time, the EU still refuses to back the Trump administration’s more robust approach towards Iran by maintaining its support for the nuclear deal, a position I suspect will become increasingly untenable as more evidence of Iranian wrongdoing in Europe continues to emerge.

Con Coughlin is the Daily Telegraph’s Defence and Foreign Affairs Editor

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The more serious side of specialty coffee

While the taste of beans and freshness of roast is paramount to the specialty coffee scene, so is sustainability and workers’ rights.

The bulk of genuine specialty coffee companies aim to improve on these elements in every stage of production via direct relationships with farmers. For instance, Mokha 1450 on Al Wasl Road strives to work predominantly with women-owned and -operated coffee organisations, including female farmers in the Sabree mountains of Yemen.

Because, as the boutique’s owner, Garfield Kerr, points out: “women represent over 90 per cent of the coffee value chain, but are woefully underrepresented in less than 10 per cent of ownership and management throughout the global coffee industry.”

One of the UAE’s largest suppliers of green (meaning not-yet-roasted) beans, Raw Coffee, is a founding member of the Partnership of Gender Equity, which aims to empower female coffee farmers and harvesters.

Also, globally, many companies have found the perfect way to recycle old coffee grounds: they create the perfect fertile soil in which to grow mushrooms. 

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What is myofascial pain syndrome?

Myofascial pain syndrome refers to pain and inflammation in the body’s soft tissue. MPS is a chronic condition that affects the fascia (­connective tissue that covers the muscles, which develops knots, also known as trigger points).

What are trigger points?

Trigger points are irritable knots in the soft ­tissue that covers muscle tissue. Through injury or overuse, muscle fibres contract as a reactive and protective measure, creating tension in the form of hard and, palpable nodules. Overuse and ­sustained posture are the main culprits in developing ­trigger points.

What is myofascial or trigger-point release?

Releasing these nodules requires a hands-on technique that involves applying gentle ­sustained pressure to release muscular shortness and tightness. This eliminates restrictions in ­connective tissue in orderto restore motion and alleviate pain. ­Therapy balls have proven effective at causing enough commotion in the tissue, prompting the release of these hard knots.

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Name: ARDH Collective
Based: Dubai
Founders: Alhaan Ahmed, Alyina Ahmed and Maximo Tettamanzi
Sector: Sustainability
Total funding: Self funded
Number of employees: 4
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Stars:  Keanu Reeves, Carrie-Anne Moss, Jessica Henwick 

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Company name: BorrowMe (BorrowMe.com)

Date started: August 2021

Founder: Nour Sabri

Based: Dubai, UAE

Sector: E-commerce / Marketplace

Size: Two employees

Funding stage: Seed investment

Initial investment: $200,000

Investors: Amr Manaa (director, PwC Middle East) 

Mercer, the investment consulting arm of US services company Marsh & McLennan, expects its wealth division to at least double its assets under management (AUM) in the Middle East as wealth in the region continues to grow despite economic headwinds, a company official said.

Mercer Wealth, which globally has $160 billion in AUM, plans to boost its AUM in the region to $2-$3bn in the next 2-3 years from the present $1bn, said Yasir AbuShaban, a Dubai-based principal with Mercer Wealth.

Within the next two to three years, we are looking at reaching $2 to $3 billion as a conservative estimate and we do see an opportunity to do so,” said Mr AbuShaban.

Mercer does not directly make investments, but allocates clients’ money they have discretion to, to professional asset managers. They also provide advice to clients.

“We have buying power. We can negotiate on their (client’s) behalf with asset managers to provide them lower fees than they otherwise would have to get on their own,” he added.

Mercer Wealth’s clients include sovereign wealth funds, family offices, and insurance companies among others.

From its office in Dubai, Mercer also looks after Africa, India and Turkey, where they also see opportunity for growth.

Wealth creation in Middle East and Africa (MEA) grew 8.5 per cent to $8.1 trillion last year from $7.5tn in 2015, higher than last year’s global average of 6 per cent and the second-highest growth in a region after Asia-Pacific which grew 9.9 per cent, according to consultancy Boston Consulting Group (BCG). In the region, where wealth grew just 1.9 per cent in 2015 compared with 2014, a pickup in oil prices has helped in wealth generation.

BCG is forecasting MEA wealth will rise to $12tn by 2021, growing at an annual average of 8 per cent.

Drivers of wealth generation in the region will be split evenly between new wealth creation and growth of performance of existing assets, according to BCG.

Another general trend in the region is clients’ looking for a comprehensive approach to investing, according to Mr AbuShaban.

“Institutional investors or some of the families are seeing a slowdown in the available capital they have to invest and in that sense they are looking at optimizing the way they manage their portfolios and making sure they are not investing haphazardly and different parts of their investment are working together,” said Mr AbuShaban.

Some clients also have a higher appetite for risk, given the low interest-rate environment that does not provide enough yield for some institutional investors. These clients are keen to invest in illiquid assets, such as private equity and infrastructure.

“What we have seen is a desire for higher returns in what has been a low-return environment specifically in various fixed income or bonds,” he said.

“In this environment, we have seen a de facto increase in the risk that clients are taking in things like illiquid investments, private equity investments, infrastructure and private debt, those kind of investments were higher illiquidity results in incrementally higher returns.”

The Abu Dhabi Investment Authority, one of the largest sovereign wealth funds, said in its 2016 report that has gradually increased its exposure in direct private equity and private credit transactions, mainly in Asian markets and especially in China and India. The authority’s private equity department focused on structured equities owing to “their defensive characteristics.”

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