A rally organised by the Muslim Council of Britain in 2017. There has been a clamour from the MCB for recognition as a representative body with a significant voice. Getty Images
A rally organised by the Muslim Council of Britain in 2017. There has been a clamour from the MCB for recognition as a representative body with a significant voice. Getty Images
A rally organised by the Muslim Council of Britain in 2017. There has been a clamour from the MCB for recognition as a representative body with a significant voice. Getty Images
A rally organised by the Muslim Council of Britain in 2017. There has been a clamour from the MCB for recognition as a representative body with a significant voice. Getty Images


The UK's top Muslim umbrella body needs to change direction


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January 07, 2025

Changes in the Muslim Council of Britain’s leadership offer something of a gauge on how the activist community in the UK sees its place in national affairs. The current direction of the MCB, which claims to be the “largest and most diverse Muslim representative umbrella body” in the UK, is certainly up for grabs.

For more than 15 years, the MCB has had troubles with the UK government. Starting under former prime minister Gordon Brown in 2009, political leaders and officials have found it difficult to liaise with the organisation on its own terms.

There has been a clamour from the MCB for recognition as a representative body with a significant voice, but successive governments have limited the organisation’s space in consultations and other community liaisons.

As it prepares to select a new secretary general this month, the MCB finds itself in an uncomfortable place – something that is far from resolved and, indeed, has only become more stark over the past 12 months. With new leadership, however, it risks choosing to go deeper in its alienation.

According to research by the think tank Policy Exchange, both leading candidates for the post are allegedly backers of a campaign called the Muslim Vote. This smart marketing campaign set itself up to use the war in Gaza and other conflicts as leverage during the 2024 UK general election campaign. The campaign’s primary target during the election was the Labour party.

While Labour returned to power after 14 years with a huge majority and took the reins of government, the election of a handful of independents in what were otherwise Labour strongholds exposed a vulnerability within the party. Two of the most senior members of Prime Minister Keir Starmer’s cabinet, Justice Secretary Shabana Mahmood and Health Secretary Wes Streeting, came perilously close to losing, too, and will carry that concern every day of their political lives.

Given the purpose of representative councils is to exert their members’ interests, being frozen out is a bad thing for the MCB

The MCB under its current and past leaders already had difficult relations with the Conservative party, and given the direction of leadership under Kemi Badenoch, it is difficult to see any rehabilitation or formal dialogue restarting there. It is safe to say that Ms Badenoch is probably far more interested in how to align with the sudden, active interest that the tech entrepreneur Elon Musk is showing in UK politics than anything on offer from the MCB.

This makes the MCB as a community organisation a failure in the UK political system – especially when there are other bodies that represent their members’ interests and are able to lobby and promote their views with a fair amount of success. Given that the whole purpose of representative councils is to exert its members’ interests, being frozen out is a bad thing for the MCB.

The classic body that was long heralded in these terms was the National Farmers Union, which ensured a steady stream of subsidies from the government to the countryside. There are arguments that the most powerful body in the country today is the National Trust, a heritage and nature conservation charity and membership organisation that no government minister would want to cross.

Similar statements have been made before about groups as varied as the Institute of Directors and the Mumsnet internet forum, where politicians are keen to promote family-friendly politics.

The MCB, on the other hand, has often found itself at odds with the government of the day.

When Hazel Blears, the then cabinet secretary for communities, took a stand on the MCB in 2009, she referred to one of the group’s office holders participating in a political protest, the Global Anti-Aggression Campaign, that was considered to be stirring up tension and harmful to social cohesion. Years later, a report prepared in 2015 by the diplomat John Jenkins found that the Muslim Brotherhood had played an important role in “establishing and then running” the MCB.

Zara Mohammed, the secretary general of the Muslim Council of Britain, has conceded that her organisation's relationship with the UK government is fractured. Getty
Zara Mohammed, the secretary general of the Muslim Council of Britain, has conceded that her organisation's relationship with the UK government is fractured. Getty

Last year, the incumbent secretary general Zara Mohammed pointed out that the then Conservative government had been pursuing a longstanding policy of non-engagement with the MCB. To which Lee Rowley, a government minister then, told MPs: “Previous MCB leaders have taken positions that contradict our fundamental values, and these have not been explicitly retracted.”

“Where best practice is not followed, engagement can create risks,” Mr Rowley continued. “It may inadvertently provide a platform or legitimacy for groups or individuals who oppose our shared democratic values and institutions, and allow them to gain greater influence, including in the eyes of those communities to whom they aim to promote their narratives.”

As the MCB’s top officer changes, the Policy Exchange paper on the upcoming transition at the organisation identifies the challenges facing it.

These are coming to terms with the type of society that exists in the UK and how to interact within the country to ensure harmonious social change. Another issue pertains to Iran’s influence in the UK. Allegations that Tehran’s role in prominent community centres in the big cities has tipped over into active threats remain in the spotlight.

On its own terms, the MCB has slid away from its representative influence. Being in active dispute with the major UK political parties and potentially taking on more adversarial positions are not the way to restore its lost ground.

Results

Female 49kg: Mayssa Bastos (BRA) bt Thamires Aquino (BRA); points 0-0 (advantage points points 1-0).

Female 55kg: Bianca Basilio (BRA) bt Amal Amjahid (BEL); points 4-2.

Female 62kg: Beatriz Mesquita (BRA) v Ffion Davies (GBR); 10-2.

Female 70kg: Thamara Silva (BRA) bt Alessandra Moss (AUS); submission.

Female 90kg: Gabreili Passanha (BRA) bt Claire-France Thevenon (FRA); submission.

Male 56kg: Hiago George (BRA) bt Carlos Alberto da Silva (BRA); 2-2 (2-0)

Male 62kg: Gabriel de Sousa (BRA) bt Joao Miyao (BRA); 2-2 (2-1)

Male 69kg: Paulo Miyao (BRA) bt Isaac Doederlein (USA); 2-2 (2-2) Ref decision.

Male 77kg: Tommy Langarkar (NOR) by Oliver Lovell (GBR); submission.

Male 85kg: Rudson Mateus Teles (BRA) bt Faisal Al Ketbi (UAE); 2-2 (1-1) Ref decision.

Male 94kg: Kaynan Duarte (BRA) bt Adam Wardzinski (POL); submission.

Male 110kg: Joao Rocha (BRA) bt Yahia Mansoor Al Hammadi (UAE); submission.

Mercer, the investment consulting arm of US services company Marsh & McLennan, expects its wealth division to at least double its assets under management (AUM) in the Middle East as wealth in the region continues to grow despite economic headwinds, a company official said.

Mercer Wealth, which globally has $160 billion in AUM, plans to boost its AUM in the region to $2-$3bn in the next 2-3 years from the present $1bn, said Yasir AbuShaban, a Dubai-based principal with Mercer Wealth.

Within the next two to three years, we are looking at reaching $2 to $3 billion as a conservative estimate and we do see an opportunity to do so,” said Mr AbuShaban.

Mercer does not directly make investments, but allocates clients’ money they have discretion to, to professional asset managers. They also provide advice to clients.

“We have buying power. We can negotiate on their (client’s) behalf with asset managers to provide them lower fees than they otherwise would have to get on their own,” he added.

Mercer Wealth’s clients include sovereign wealth funds, family offices, and insurance companies among others.

From its office in Dubai, Mercer also looks after Africa, India and Turkey, where they also see opportunity for growth.

Wealth creation in Middle East and Africa (MEA) grew 8.5 per cent to $8.1 trillion last year from $7.5tn in 2015, higher than last year’s global average of 6 per cent and the second-highest growth in a region after Asia-Pacific which grew 9.9 per cent, according to consultancy Boston Consulting Group (BCG). In the region, where wealth grew just 1.9 per cent in 2015 compared with 2014, a pickup in oil prices has helped in wealth generation.

BCG is forecasting MEA wealth will rise to $12tn by 2021, growing at an annual average of 8 per cent.

Drivers of wealth generation in the region will be split evenly between new wealth creation and growth of performance of existing assets, according to BCG.

Another general trend in the region is clients’ looking for a comprehensive approach to investing, according to Mr AbuShaban.

“Institutional investors or some of the families are seeing a slowdown in the available capital they have to invest and in that sense they are looking at optimizing the way they manage their portfolios and making sure they are not investing haphazardly and different parts of their investment are working together,” said Mr AbuShaban.

Some clients also have a higher appetite for risk, given the low interest-rate environment that does not provide enough yield for some institutional investors. These clients are keen to invest in illiquid assets, such as private equity and infrastructure.

“What we have seen is a desire for higher returns in what has been a low-return environment specifically in various fixed income or bonds,” he said.

“In this environment, we have seen a de facto increase in the risk that clients are taking in things like illiquid investments, private equity investments, infrastructure and private debt, those kind of investments were higher illiquidity results in incrementally higher returns.”

The Abu Dhabi Investment Authority, one of the largest sovereign wealth funds, said in its 2016 report that has gradually increased its exposure in direct private equity and private credit transactions, mainly in Asian markets and especially in China and India. The authority’s private equity department focused on structured equities owing to “their defensive characteristics.”

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Our family matters legal consultant

Name: Hassan Mohsen Elhais

Position: legal consultant with Al Rowaad Advocates and Legal Consultants.

The advice provided in our columns does not constitute legal advice and is provided for information only. Readers are encouraged to seek independent legal advice. 

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Updated: January 08, 2025, 7:51 AM