The EU flag flies at the European Parliament in Strasbourg, France. Europe's economic stagnation is rooted in its inability to keep pace with global productivity growth. AP
The EU flag flies at the European Parliament in Strasbourg, France. Europe's economic stagnation is rooted in its inability to keep pace with global productivity growth. AP
The EU flag flies at the European Parliament in Strasbourg, France. Europe's economic stagnation is rooted in its inability to keep pace with global productivity growth. AP
The EU flag flies at the European Parliament in Strasbourg, France. Europe's economic stagnation is rooted in its inability to keep pace with global productivity growth. AP

Why EU economic challenges are reducing its global influence


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For decades, the EU was a beacon of economic prosperity, global trade leadership and political stability.

Yet today, it faces an undeniable challenge – its global influence is waning due to systemic economic and geopolitical setbacks. The rapid pace of technological innovation in the US and China’s assertive expansion in trade and infrastructure projects, including the Belt and Road initiative, have left the EU struggling to assert itself.

Despite having a large and skilled workforce, Europe's productivity growth has stagnated, with real income per capita rising at a significantly slower rate than in competing economies. Additionally, the bloc’s reliance on external suppliers for critical technologies and raw materials has deepened its vulnerabilities.

A combination of technological stagnation, industrial fragmentation, energy insecurity and weak geopolitical positioning has left Europe struggling to maintain relevance in an increasingly competitive world, with many industries shifting their high-value operations outside the continent.

The EU must now confront these pressing issues head-on or risk long-term economic and political decline.

Productivity and innovation deficit

Europe's economic stagnation is rooted in its inability to keep pace with global productivity growth. While the US has embraced technological revolutions in artificial intelligence, semiconductors and digital platforms, Europe has failed to produce major tech giants.

Since 2000, real disposable income per capita has increased at nearly double the rate in the US compared with the EU, according to economic assessments. This widening income gap reflects deeper systemic issues, including rigid labour markets, regulatory hurdles and a lack of risk capital for high-growth industries.

The EU’s structural deficiencies extend to its failure to translate research into economic leadership. While European universities and research institutions produce cutting-edge discoveries, the region consistently lags in commercialisation, Mario Draghi, former president of the European Central Bank and former Italian prime minister, said in a recently released report, The Future of European Competitiveness.

Former president of European Central Bank and former Italian prime minister Mario Draghi. EPA
Former president of European Central Bank and former Italian prime minister Mario Draghi. EPA

Unlike the US, where start-ups are quickly scaled through deep capital markets, European innovators struggle with funding constraints, bureaucratic red tape and fragmented regulatory regimes. As a result, many of Europe’s most promising entrepreneurs relocate to Silicon Valley or China, where they find greater opportunities to expand.

Industrial fragmentation

Another major reason for Europe’s decline is its fragmented industrial landscape. Unlike China, which integrates its industrial policies with trade and state financing, or the US, where federal funding supports strategic industries, Europe operates under a patchwork of national interests.

The lack of a unified industrial strategy has weakened the continent’s ability to compete globally. Mr Draghi’s analysis notes that Europe’s corporate structure is "concentrated in mature industries".

The problem is particularly evident in sectors such as defence, semiconductors and clean energy. While the EU collectively spends as much on defence as some of the world’s largest military powers, inefficiencies abound. European nations maintain separate procurement policies, leading to duplication of efforts and reduced efficiency. For example, European militaries operate 12 different types of battle tanks, whereas the US has standardised production, enabling economies of scale and increased military readiness. The lack of co-ordination in defence procurement weakens Europe’s ability to establish a self-sufficient security framework.

In the semiconductor industry, the EU remains heavily dependent on imports, particularly from Asia, despite its critical role in the digital and AI-driven economy. While efforts like the European Chips Act aim to bolster domestic production, Mr Draghi says its "fragmented market structure and lack of integrated supply chains have hindered its ability to compete with semiconductor leaders like the US, Taiwan and South Korea".

Furthermore, the EU’s clean energy transition, while ambitious, is hindered by its lack of a co-ordinated industrial approach. Unless the EU streamlines its policies and accelerates investment in domestic production, it will remain dependent on foreign suppliers, undermining both economic growth and energy security.

Energy insecurity

Europe’s energy crisis has deep roots in its long-standing dependence on external energy sources, particularly Russian fossil fuels. Historically, the EU imported more than 40 per cent of its natural gas and 30 per cent of its crude oil from Russia, making it highly susceptible to geopolitical disruptions. When tensions with Moscow escalated, European nations were forced to scramble for alternative suppliers, leading to extreme volatility in energy prices. This sudden shift placed an enormous strain on European economies, contributing to inflationary pressures and widening the competitiveness gap with the US and China.

Despite efforts to transition to renewable energy, the EU faces an uphill battle. While the bloc leads in wind and solar capacity, its reliance on Chinese-manufactured components for clean energy infrastructure remains a major weakness. Mr Draghi’s analysis warns that "China controls more than 80 per cent of the global solar panel supply chain and dominates battery production, making Europe vulnerable to trade and geopolitical shocks”.

Additionally, fragmented national policies and slow permitting processes have delayed the expansion of critical energy infrastructure. Without a co-ordinated EU-wide energy policy that ensures both security and affordability, European businesses and consumers will continue to face high costs and uncertainty.

Geopolitical irrelevance

The EU is also struggling to assert itself as a geopolitical power, with the bloc often reacting to crises rather than leading the response. The absence of a coherent foreign economic policy has left Europe vulnerable to trade disruptions, supply chain dependencies and external pressure from geopolitical rivals. The EU’s diplomatic efforts often lack a unified voice, as individual member states prioritise national interests over collective strategy.

Moreover, while the US and China pursue aggressive industrial and military strategies to secure their global influence, Europe remains constrained by political disunity and slow decision-making.

Can Europe reverse the path?

The EU stands at a crossroads, where hesitation is no longer an option. If it seeks to regain its place as a global leader, it must embrace economic reforms, drive innovation and foster unity in industrial and geopolitical strategies. Without decisive action, the continent risks further decline, falling behind competitors.

The EU’s future will not be shaped by rhetoric but by the ability to act swiftly and strategically.

Falah Mousa is a Brussels-based government affairs specialist and researcher

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Chatham House Rule

A mark of Chatham House’s influence 100 years on since its founding,  was Moscow’s formal declaration last month that it was an “undesirable
organisation”. 

 

The depth of knowledge and academics that it drew on
following the Ukraine invasion had broadcast Mr Putin’s chicanery.  

 

The institute is more used to accommodating world leaders,
with Nelson Mandela, Margaret Thatcher among those helping it provide
authoritative commentary on world events. 

 

Chatham House was formally founded as the Royal Institute of
International Affairs following the peace conferences of World War One. Its
founder, Lionel Curtis, wanted a more scientific examination of international affairs
with a transparent exchange of information and ideas.  

 

That arena of debate and analysis was enhanced by the “Chatham
House Rule” states that the contents of any meeting can be discussed outside Chatham
House but no mention can be made identifying individuals who commented.  

 

This has enabled some candid exchanges on difficult subjects
allowing a greater degree of free speech from high-ranking figures.  

 

These meetings are highly valued, so much so that
ambassadors reported them in secret diplomatic cables that – when they were
revealed in the Wikileaks reporting – were thus found to have broken the rule. However,
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Its research and debate has offered fresh ideas to
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Age: 42

Marital status: single

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Favourite destination: Bali, Indonesia 

Favourite book: 100 Years of Solitude 

THE POPE'S ITINERARY

Sunday, February 3, 2019 - Rome to Abu Dhabi
1pm: departure by plane from Rome / Fiumicino to Abu Dhabi
10pm: arrival at Abu Dhabi Presidential Airport


Monday, February 4
12pm: welcome ceremony at the main entrance of the Presidential Palace
12.20pm: visit Abu Dhabi Crown Prince at Presidential Palace
5pm: private meeting with Muslim Council of Elders at Sheikh Zayed Grand Mosque
6.10pm: Inter-religious in the Founder's Memorial


Tuesday, February 5 - Abu Dhabi to Rome
9.15am: private visit to undisclosed cathedral
10.30am: public mass at Zayed Sports City – with a homily by Pope Francis
12.40pm: farewell at Abu Dhabi Presidential Airport
1pm: departure by plane to Rome
5pm: arrival at the Rome / Ciampino International Airport

Why it pays to compare

A comparison of sending Dh20,000 from the UAE using two different routes at the same time - the first direct from a UAE bank to a bank in Germany, and the second from the same UAE bank via an online platform to Germany - found key differences in cost and speed. The transfers were both initiated on January 30.

Route 1: bank transfer

The UAE bank charged Dh152.25 for the Dh20,000 transfer. On top of that, their exchange rate margin added a difference of around Dh415, compared with the mid-market rate.

Total cost: Dh567.25 - around 2.9 per cent of the total amount

Total received: €4,670.30 

Route 2: online platform

The UAE bank’s charge for sending Dh20,000 to a UK dirham-denominated account was Dh2.10. The exchange rate margin cost was Dh60, plus a Dh12 fee.

Total cost: Dh74.10, around 0.4 per cent of the transaction

Total received: €4,756

The UAE bank transfer was far quicker – around two to three working days, while the online platform took around four to five days, but was considerably cheaper. In the online platform transfer, the funds were also exposed to currency risk during the period it took for them to arrive.

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Houthis: Iran-backed rebels who occupy Sanaa and run unrecognised government

Yemeni government: Exiled government in Aden led by eight-member Presidential Leadership Council

Southern Transitional Council: Faction in Yemeni government that seeks autonomy for the south

Habrish 'rebels': Tribal-backed forces feuding with STC over control of oil in government territory

ETFs explained

Exhchange traded funds are bought and sold like shares, but operate as index-tracking funds, passively following their chosen indices, such as the S&P 500, FTSE 100 and the FTSE All World, plus a vast range of smaller exchanges and commodities, such as gold, silver, copper sugar, coffee and oil.

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The National in Davos

We are bringing you the inside story from the World Economic Forum's Annual Meeting in Davos, a gathering of hundreds of world leaders, top executives and billionaires.

Living in...

This article is part of a guide on where to live in the UAE. Our reporters will profile some of the country’s most desirable districts, provide an estimate of rental prices and introduce you to some of the residents who call each area home.

Updated: February 15, 2025, 4:00 AM